Drugs, Society and Criminal Justice (3rd Edition) by Charles F.
Levinthal (Prentice Hall) Unique in approach,
Drugs, Society and Criminal Justice (3rd Edition), by Charles F.
Levinthal, Hofstra University, examines drug use, drug misuse, and
drug abuse from a criminal justice perspective. Building on
sociological theory, it explores the social problems associated with
drug use and the theoretical reasons for drug use and abuse. Moving
beyond a sociological focus, it delves into the complex relationship
between drug-taking behavior and crime. Discussion-starting features
spotlight prominent figures, drug trafficking realities, and
life-saving information as the book explores how drug use and abuse
impact the criminal justice system.
This is the only general textbook on drug use and abuse with a specific orientation toward crime and criminal justice concerns. It is an adaptation of Levinthals Drugs, Behavior, and Modern Society, 5th edition, the third edition of this successful, widely-regarded, highly readable and pedagogy-oriented textbook. It is oriented to the psychological and sociological aspects of drug-taking behavior in contemporary life. More
Storied Communities: Narratives of Contact and Arrival in
Constituting Political Community edited by Hester Lessard, Rebecca
Johnson and Jeremy Webber (UBC Press) Political communities are
defined and often contested through stories and storytelling.
Scholars have long recognized that two foundational sets of stories
narratives of contact and narratives of arrival helped to define
settler societies. We are only beginning to understand how ongoing
issues of migration and settlement are linked to issues of
In Storied Communities, scholars from multiple disciplines disrupt the assumption in many works that indigenous and immigrant identities fall into two separate streams of analysis. The authors do not attempt to build a new master narrative they instead juxtapose narratives of contact and arrival as they explore key themes: the nature and hazards of telling stories in the political realm; the literary, ceremonial, and identity-forming dimensions of the narrative form; actual narratives of contact and arrival; and the institutional and theoretical implications of foundation narratives and storytelling. In the process, they deepen our understanding of the role of narrative in community and nation building. More
Private Dispute Resolution in International Business: Negotiation, Meditation, Arbitration 2nd revised edition 2 volumes by Klaus Peter Berger (Kluwer Law International: Brill) consists of two books and an interactive DVD ROM. Volume I follows the progress of a dispute between two companies, in step-by-step detail, through negotiation, mediation, and arbitration in turn. Volume II provides precise, informed solutions to the problems raised in the first volume's case study. The DVD ROM contains not only all contracts and other written documentation produced during the dispute - including all procedural orders and awards rendered by the arbitral tribunal during the arbitration, the text of legal materials such as arbitration laws and rules and international conventions, and further learning and teaching aids-but also almost 100 videos dramatising the negotiation, mediation, and arbitration proceedings described in the books, conducted by highly experienced practitioners active in the field of international dispute resolution. Subtitles in the videos refer the viewer to paragraphs in the books where each relevant legal problem is analysed. In addition, an internet home page provides regular updates. To summarise: the Case Study (Volume I) provides a realistic and highly practical approach to learning and teaching the law and practice of private dispute resolution in international business; the Handbook (Volume II) provides a comprehensive comparative study of the law of international dispute resolution; the DVD ROM allows for a highly innovative, interactive teaching and learning experience, and provides a comprehensive collection of arbitration rules and other documentary material; and, the videos on the DVD ROM clearly manifest the soft skills and advocacy skills required to successfully resolve international business disputes, including the unique opportunity to draw on-screen comparisons between the negotiation, mediation, and arbitration methods. With its concrete and highly practical approach, this innovative teaching and training tool for international dispute resolution will be of immeasurable value to students and teachers of dispute resolution, corporate counsel, international lawyers, and business people. The DVD-ROM has a large number of interactive teaching and learning features which you can use simultaneously with the books or separately. More
Catholic Social Thought: A Documentary Heritage by David
J. O'Brien and Thomas A. Shannon (Orbis Books) This classic compendium of church teaching offers the
most complete access to more than 100 years of official
statements of the Catholic Church on social issues.
With documents ranging from Pope Leo XIII's Rerum Novarum (1891) to Pope Benedict XVI's Caritas in Veritate (2009), this is the single most comprehensive collection available of the primary documents of Catholic social thought. Along with the complete texts of every essential papal encyclical, this volume also includes the important documents of the American bishops on peace, the economy, and racism. Every document is preceded by an introductory essay and helpful notes, making it an exceptional reference and teaching tool.
This updated and expanded edition of a classic reference work remains an indispensible tool for scholars and students, religious and lay people, and everyone concerned with the official statements of the Catholic Church on social issues and world peace. More
Critical Urban Studies: New Directions edited by Jonathan S.
Davies and David L. Imbroscio, with an introduction by Clarence N.
Stone (SUNY Press) Urban scholarship has had detractors of late,
particularly in mainstream political science, where it has been
accused of parochialism and insularity.
Critical Urban Studies, edited by Jonathan S. Davies, Reader in Public Policy at the University of Warwick and David L. Imbroscio, Professor of Political Science at the University of Louisville, offers a repudiation of this critique, reasserting the need for critical urban scholarship and demonstrating the fundamental importance of urban studies for understanding and changing contemporary social life. Contributors to the volume identify an orthodox perspective in the field, subject it to critique, and map out a future research agenda for the field. The result is a series of essays pointing scholars and students to the major theoretical and policy challenges facing urbanists and other critical social scientists. More
The United States and Public Diplomacy
edited Kenneth A. Osgood, Brian C. Etheridge (Diplomatic Studies: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers) Public diplomacy is the art of cultivating public opinion to
achieve foreign policy objectives. A vital tool in contemporary
statecraft, public diplomacy is also one of the most poorly
understood elements of a nation’s “soft power.”
The United States and Public Diplomacy adds historical perspective to the ongoing global conversation about public diplomacy and its proper role in foreign affairs. It highlights the fact that the United States has not only been an important sponsor of public diplomacy, it also has been a frequent target of public diplomacy initiatives sponsored by others. Many of the essays in this collection look beyond Washington to explore the ways in which foreign states, non-governmental organizations, and private citizens have used public diplomacy to influence the government and people of the United States. More
Statecraft and Classical Learning: The Rituals of Zhou in East Asian History edited by Benjamin A. Elman (Editor), Martin A. Kern (Studies in the History of Chinese Texts: Brill Academic Publishers) Statecraft and Classical Learning is devoted to the Rituals of Zhou, one of the ancient Chinese Classics. In addition to its canonical stature in classical learning, the massive text was of unique significance to the pre-modern statecraft of China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam where it served as the classical paradigm for government structure and was often invoked in movements of political reform. The present volume, with contributions from twelve leading North American, European, and East Asian scholars, is the first in any language to illuminate the Rituals in both dimensions. It presents a multifaceted and fascinating picture of the life of the text from its inception some two millennia ago to its modern political and scholarly discourse. More
Ritual and Deference: Extending Chinese Philosophy in a Comparative Context by Robert Cummings Neville (SUNY series in Chinese Philosophy and Culture: State University of New York Press) develops the author's thesis that contemporary philosophy has much to gain by shaping itself through important themes of the Chinese philosophical traditions, especially the themes of ritual and deference. Neville here offers a broad and detailed interpretation of the relevance of Confucianism and Daoism to contemporary issues. The discussion includes analyses of classical Confucian and Daoist texts, especially those of Xunzi and Laozi, and of the current scene of English-speaking philosophy advancing Chinese themes. The book also reflects on the nature of comparative philosophy as such, and the role that comparative philosophy has in the ongoing contemporary engagement with globalization, the clash of cultures, and scientific transformations of the worldviews of diverse civilizations. Neville stresses the importance of deferring to the integrity of cultures while still submitting them to normative analysis and criticism. More
The Cambridge Companion to Leo Strauss by Steven B. Smith (Cambridge Companions to Philosophy) The essays contained in this volume attempt to canvass the wide range of Strauss's interests. Although Strauss's writings typically took the form of the commentary — a form to which he gave very high philosophical expression — I have preferred to avoid reprising his often dense and detailed interpretations of specific figures within the tradition (Plato, Maimonides, Hobbes, Nietzsche) and to focus instead on the general themes or problems that these writings are intended to illustrate. I believe this approach follows Strauss's own method that always regarded his case studies in the history of ideas as the best means of stimulating awareness of the "fundamental" or "permanent" problems of philosophy. This approach should give readers a sense of the scope and breadth of the problems that Strauss felt it important to address. More
Jihadists and Weapons of Mass Destruction: A Growing Threat by Gary Ackerman (Editor), Jeremy Tamsett (CRC) Written for professionals, academics, and policymakers working at the forefront of counterterrorism efforts, Jihadists and Weapons of Mass Destruction is an authoritative and comprehensive work addressing the threat of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in the hands ofjihadists, both historically and looking toward the future threat environment. Providing insight on one of the foremost security issues of the 21st century, this seminal resource effectively:
Leading international experts clearly differentiate between peaceful Muslims and jihadists, exploring how jihadists translate their extreme and violent ideology into strategy. They also focus on WMD target selection and the spread of WMD knowledge in jihadist communities. Devoid of sensationalism, this multidimensional evaluation adds a heightened level of sophistication to our understanding of the prospects for and nature of jihadist WMD terrorism. More
Foucault, Psychology and the Analytics of Power by Derek Hook
(Critical Theory and Practice in Psychology and the Human Sciences:
This series of essays presents a variety of responses to the question of what the genealogical works of Michel Foucault may mean to the domain of critical psychology. This, Hook thinks, is an important task given that 20 years after Foucault's death, the discipline of psychology has yet to absorb the full impact of his work. Two particular problems arise here, both of which became apparent to me in relation to teaching. First, although there are several reasonable introductory texts on Foucault none focuses on those of Foucault's ideas most important to students/practitioners of psychology and none introduces Foucault from the standpoint of psychology itself. Although certain critical psychology texts have made mention of Foucault his work is generally drawn on in a 'mix and match' manner, along with other thinkers - usually under the general rubric of poststructuralism -without the benefit of sustained exposition and/or adequate theoretical and methodological contextualization. Second, despite the importance of Foucault's methodological writings, and, indeed, the need for critical psychology to engage with these lines of critique and analysis, I have found it difficult to prescribe a text which presents a detailed set of Foucauldian methodological frameworks within the context of Foucault's particular theoretical, political and historical objectives.
As neglected as the topic of Foucault and psychology has been - especially so, given the content of Foucault's earliest published work,' and in view of his training and practice in the realm of clinical psychology (Macey, 2004; Whitebrook, 2005) - it is not completely novel. Nikolas Rose's (1991, 1996a) seminal studies of the Psy-complex and British psychology usefully extends Foucault's critique of psychology – aspects of which Hook revisits in the following chapter — although these studies cannot be described as didactic, or as offering easy access to a variety of Foucauldian frames of analysis. May's (1993) Between Genealogy and Epistemology does, admittedly, discuss the relation between aspects of Foucault's thought and psychology; once again, however, this treatment does not lend itself to practical application. His predominant focus, moreover, is on Foucault's earlier archaeological writings; it is the later genealogical work between the mid and late 1970s that I, by contrast, believe holds the most potential both for the critique of psychology and for analytical innovation. On the other hand, a book like Kendall and Wickham's (1998) Using Foucault's Methods, which does hope to introduce a series of Foucauldian frameworks for analysis in a user-friendly way, lacks the theoretical depth and historical complexity that grounds Foucault's work, and that lends it much of its characteristic urgency. My position, in contrast to such an approach, is that Foucault's methods cannot be simply detached from the political and philosophical concerns that Foucault had with interrogating the human science disciplines themselves. The aim of this book is thus to introduce both of these methodological and politico-historical preoccupations together, to put Foucault's genealogical writings to work as a means of critically re-conceptualizing aspects of psychological knowledge and practice, first and, correspondingly, as a means of grounding a set of radical research methods, second. More
What Is a Just Peace? Edited by Pierre Allan, Alexis Keller (Oxford University Press) Just War has attracted considerable attention. The words peace and justice are often used together. Surprisingly, however, little conceptual thinking has gone into what constitutes a Just Peace. This book, which includes some of the world's leading scholars, debates and develops the concept of Just Peace. The problem with the idea of a Just Peace is that striving for justice may imply a Just War. In other words, peace and justice clash at times. Therefore, one often starts from a given view of what constitutes justice, but this a priori approach leads - especially when imposed from the outside - straight into discord. This book presents conflicting viewpoints on this question from political, historical, and legal perspectives as well as from a policy perspective. The book also argues that Just Peace should be defined as a process resting on four necessary and sufficient conditions: thin recognition whereby the other is accepted as autonomous; thick recognition whereby identities need to be accounted for; renouncement, requiring significant sacrifices from all parties; and finally, rule, the objectification of a Just Peace by a "text" requiring a common language respecting the identities of each, and defining their rights and duties. This approach based on a language-oriented process amongst directly concerned parties, goes beyond liberal and culturalist perspectives. Throughout the process, negotiators need to build a novel shared reality as well as a new common language allowing for an enduring harmony between previously clashing peoples. It challenges a liberal view of peace founded on norms claiming universal scope. The liberal conception has difficulty in solving conflicts such as civil wars characterized typically by fundamental disagreements between different communities. Cultures make demands that are identity-defining, and some of these defy the "cultural`neutrality" that is one of the foundations of liberalism. Therefore, the concept of Just Peace cannot be solved within the liberal tradition.
As Just War has attracted considerable attention for centuries, the words peace and justice have been, and are still, often used together. While an old doctrine of Just War exists, surprisingly little conceptual thinking has gone into what constitutes a peace that is a just one. This book debates this problématique and develops the concept of a Just Peace. More
Washing the Brain - Metaphor and Hidden Ideology by Andrew Goatly (Discourse Approaches to Politics, Society and Culture: John Benjamins Publishing) What is meant by the notoriously vague term 'ideology'? Defining this could take a whole book, so Goatly provisionally adopts van Dijk's definition and description in Ideology: "the basis of the social representations shared by members of a group. This means that ideologies allow people, as group members, to organise the multitude of social beliefs about what is the case, good or bad, right or wrong, for them and to act accordingly.” One major determinant of these social representations will be "the material and symbolic interests of the group ... power over other groups (or resistance against the domination by other groups) may have a central role and hence function as a major condition and purpose for the development of ideologies". This emphasis on power is central to my use of the term, and, for brevity's sake one might adopt Thompson's definition "meaning in the service of power".
Between the Rule of Power and the Power of Rule: In Search of an Effective World Order by Alfred Van Staden (International Relations Studies Series: MNP [Matinus Nihoff Publishers], Brill Academic) This treatise on world order builds on the paper Power and legitimacy. The quest for order in a unipolar world, which the author wrote during the final stage (2004-2005) of his directorship at the Netherlands Institute of International Relations, Clingendael in The Hague. The publication attracted a large number of responses, and these encouraged him to expand the paper into a fully fledged book. In doing so, he has been able to elaborate more key arguments and include more historical references. The study of world order is at the heart of international studies. The area concerned here focuses on power, law and legitimacy. Therefore, this study is at the interface of international politics and international law, but is written from the perspective of a student of international relations. Among all international actors, the role of the United States and, to a lesser degree, the European Union in building a sustainable world order is highlighted. The book analyzes not only the institutional dimension of world order, but also the underlying substantive issues. More
The Oxford Handbook of Political Theory edited by John S. Dryzek, Bonnie Honig, Anne Philips (Oxford Handbooks of Political Science: Oxford University Press) The Oxford Handbooks of Political Science is a ten-volume set of reference books offering authoritative and engaging critical overviews of the state of political science. This volume, The Oxford Handbook of Political Theory, provides comprehensive and critical coverage of the lively and contested field of political theory, and will help set the agenda for the field for years to come. Long recognized as one of the main branches of political science, political theory has in recent years burgeoned in many different directions. Forty-five chapters by distinguished political theorists look at the state of the field, where it has been in the recent past, and where it is likely to go in future. They examine political theory's edges as well as its core, the globalizing context of the field, and the challenges presented by social, economic, and technological changes. More
Guide to U.S. Elections 5th Edition 2 volumes (CQ Press) In Volume One, part one examines the evolution of the U.S. electoral system and includes material on the franchise and voting rights. It also explores the impact of major post–World War II political issues. Part two examines the evolution of campaign finance, traces the development of political parties, profiles major and minor parties, and discusses the historical significance of southern primaries. Part three features an overview and chronology of presidential elections along with information and data on presidential primaries, nominating conventions, popular and electoral voting, and the Electoral College. More
Guide To Political Campaigns In America by Paul S. Herrnson (CQ Press) is the first complete resource for scholarly and practical insight into every important aspect of political campaigns and campaign activities. Campaigns are a critical part of the political process in the United States, and this unique volume provides students, researchers, scholars, and others interested in campaigns and politics with a broad foundation of knowledge about the history of campaigns and the issues, people, processes, and types and levels of races involved. More
Murdering Myths: The Story Behind the Death Penalty by Judith W. Kay (Polemics: Rowman and Littlefield) (Paperback) goes beyond the hype and statistics to examine Americans' deep-seated beliefs about crime and punishment. She argues that Americans share a counter-productive idea of justice--that punishment corrects bad behavior, suffering pays for wrong deeds, and victims' desire for revenge is natural and inevitable. Drawing on interviews with both victims and inmates, Kay shows how this belief harms perpetrators, victims, and society and calls for a new narrative that recognizes the humanity in all of us. More
For God And Country: Faith and Patriotism Under Fire by James Yee, Aimee Molloy (PublicAffairs) is a memoir by James Yee, who served as a United States Army Muslim chaplain at the Guantanamo Bay detention facility during the post-9/11 time of war. The book is coauthored by Aimee Molloy. The first chapter of the book recounts Yee's arrest by a U.S. government agent. Yee then goes back in time and proceeds to tell the story of his entire eventful life, including his childhood in New Jersey as a third-generation Chinese-American, education at West Point, conversion to Islam as a 23-year old, service in the Army as an air defense artillery officer, deployment to Saudi Arabia, Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca, marriage, Islamic studies in Syria, and Army service as a pioneering Muslim chaplain. More
Unconquerable Nation: Knowing Our Enemy, Strengthening Ourselves by Brian Michael Jenkins (RAND Corporation) On the fifth anniversary of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, Brian Jenkins, one of the world's leading experts on terrorism and counterterrorism strategies, presents a concise and compelling overview of where we are today in the struggle against terrorism. He offers personal reflections on how some of our recent approaches to counterterrorism have been counterproductive. He presents an overview of the jihadists, particularly al Qaeda, and their operational code. He proposes strategies to counteract this adversary and to avoid reinforcing it further. Finally, he clarifies the American and Western values that we must strive to uphold, as well as ways that we might do so today and in the future. More
The Formation of the Treaty Law of Non-International Armed Conflicts by Laura Perna (Martinus Nijhoff: Brill) The purpose of this work is to trace the processes that led and continue to lead to the formation of the treaty norms applicable in non-international armed conflicts. If the purpose of humanitarian law is to achieve a balance between military necessity and humanitarian considerations and to prevent unnecessary suffering and destruction, humanitarian law rules should be equally applicable to both international and internal armed conflicts. Whilst, however, there are a huge number of treaty provisions applicable to international armed conflicts, very few provisions are specifically designed to regulate non-international armed conflicts despite the dramatic increase in the number of such conflicts. The study investigates the reasons behind the differences by analyzing, inter alia, questions such as: Where does the international law of internal armed conflicts come from? Why did it evolve differently from the law regulating international armed conflicts? Where is the international law of internal armed conflicts going? More
On the Three Types of Juristic Thought by Carl Schmitt, edited and translated by Joseph W. Bendersky (Contributions in Political Science: Praeger Publishers) Bendersky provides the only English-language translation, with extensive notes and introduction, to one of Carl Schmitt's most controversial works. At the time of its publication in 1934 and during the war and post-war years, the treatise was seen as a rationalization of the Nazi legal order. With the renaissance of Schmitt studies beginning in the 1980s, the man and his work, and this work in particular, was reinterpreted. While some maintained that it was a foundation of Nazi legal theory and practice, others see it as a failed attempt at a conservative counterweight to the most extreme tendencies in National Socialism. More
Pot Politics: Marijuana and the Costs of Prohibition edited by Mitch Earleywine (Oxford University Press) Marijuana use continues to attract interest and fuel controversy. Big, green pot leaves have adorned the covers of Time, National Review, and Forbes. Almost 100 million Americans have tried marijuana at least once. Groups such as The National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana (NORML) and The Marijuana Policy Project (MPP) have tens of thousands of members. Polls suggest that 70-80% of Americans support medicinal marijuana. At least 11 U.S. states have experimented with decriminalization and medical marijuana laws, with new initiatives appearing each year. Meanwhile, other groups such as Partnership for a Drug Free America and Mothers Against Drugs protest legalization. Clearly, debate about marijuana policy shows no sign of abating. More
Children's Human Rights: Progress And Challenges for Children Worldwide edited by Mark Ensalaco, Linda C. Majka (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers) (Paperback) Each day, countless children around the world are exposed to dangers that hamper their growth and development. They suffer immensely as casualties of war. . . . Each day, millions of children suffer from the scourges of poverty and economic crisis—from hunger and homelessness, from epidemics and illiteracy, from the degradation of the environment. . . . Each day 40,000 die from malnutrition and disease, including immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS), from lack of clean water and inadequate sanitation. —World Declaration on the Survival, Protection, and Development of Children and Plan of Action for Implementing the World Declaration (adopted by the World Summit for Children in New York, 30 September 1990)
Children are the future. Investing in children's education, health, and wellbeing and protecting them from harm and exploitation strengthens local communities and contributes to sustainable national development. Nothing could be simpler. But the reality for children in much of the world is stark, and powerlessness obscures their condition. In 1990 world leaders taking part in the World Summit for Children noted that "each day, countless children around the world are exposed to dangers that hamper their growth and development." Twelve years later, when the UN General Assembly met in a special session to renew the appeal to the international community to give every child a better future, the condition of many of the world's children had not appreciably changed. More
United Nations As Peacekeeper And Nation-Builder edited by Li Lin Chang, Nassrine Azimi (UNITAR-IPS Peacekeeping Conference: Martinus Nijhoff) In the wake of the Iraq War, what lies ahead for the United Nations as peacekeeper and nation-builder? What lessons were learnt in Afghanistan and Iraq, what reforms could they entail, how do UN efforts fare as compared with those of the United States, and what will be, in the next decade, the most pressing challenges confronting the Organization? Will the United Nations, in its current form and within the new global power structure, be able to remain relevant, retain its ideals and still respond meaningfully to mounting international tensions? More
Making Sense of Political Ideology: The Power of Language in Democracy by Bernard L. Brock (Communication, Media, and Politics: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers) explores the erosion of ties among ideology, language, and political action. Analyzing political language strategies, it shows how to dissect language so we can better understand a speaker's ideology. The authors define four political positions radical, liberal, conservative, reactionary and apply their techniques to contemporary issues such as the war on terrorism. They emphasize the dangers of staying trapped in political gridlock with no consensus for governmental direction and propose that the ability to identify and bridge positions can help political communicators toward constructing coalitions and building support for political action. More
Culture of Make Believe
(Chelsea Green Publishing Company)
Monsters exist, but
they are too few in number to be truly dangerous. More dangerous are the common
men, the functionaries ready to believe and to act without asking questions.
– Primo Levi
As readers of the acclaimed A Language
Older than Words can attest, Derrick Jensen is a public intellectual of rare
Culture of Make Believe, Jensen sets the bar as
high as possible, examining the atrocities that characterize so much of our
culture – from modern slavery and corporate misdeeds to manufacturing
disasters and the destruction of the natural world.
Jensen takes no prisoners. Interweaving political, historical,
philosophical and deeply personal perspectives, Jensen argues that only by
understanding past horrors can we hope to prevent future ones.
the lines of thought and experience that connect the atrocities of our culture
throughout history, Jensen leads us on an extraordinary journey from early
twentieth-century lynchings in the
The Culture of Make Believe deftly weaves together history, philosophy, environmentalism, economics, literature and psychology. Jensen focuses in on the dangers of abstraction and the economics that result from our viewing people and things as sources of profit and elements in systems. Therefore he chooses to look at the particular, telling many stories in great detail. He has the ability to forge these events into an emotionally compelling and devastating critique of the intellectual, psychological, emotional and social structures of Western culture.
What he comes up with
He finds that the sources of the values that permeate our society are in imperialism, slavery, the rise of global capitalism, and the ideologies of possessiveness and consumerism.
Jensen's solution is a
return to the simple life, perhaps much like that of the hunter-gatherers, yet
he knows that such a turn must be "the end of civilization." At the
end of the preface, Jensen writes: “This book is a weapon. It is a gun to
be put into the hands of all of us who wish to oppose these atrocities, and a
manual on how to use it. It is a knife to cut the ropes that bind us to our ways
of perceiving and being in the world. It is a match to light the fuse.”
The Culture of Make Believe is as impeccably researched as it is intense, with conclusions as far-reaching as they are shocking. What begins as an attempt to reconsider the nature of hatred soon explodes into a reckoning with the very heart of Western civilization.
The Culture of Make Believe is a masterpiece. - Frances Moore Lappe
Read this book. Get it for everyone you care about. - Inga Muscio
A Chronological History of the European Union 1946-2001 by W. F. V. Vanthoor (Edward Elgar) This fully revised and updated edition of a seminal reference work provides a detailed chronological account of the development of European integration. The history of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), which began immediately after World War II, is recounted in the form of a descriptive summary of the most significant events, measures, arrangements and conferences. The chronology concludes at the end of 2001 with what is arguably one of the most important events in European history; the introduction of euro notes and coins in twelve nation states. More
Legal Memories and Amnesias in America's Rhetorical Culture by Marouf Hasian Jr. (Polemics Series: Westview) critically examines the rhetoric of law--specifically, the shifting lines between the notions of liberty and license. Hasian, Jr. explores how such issues as immigration, labor, national identity, race, and genetics have caused society to change how it thinks about, and uses, laws. More
Political Theologies in Shakespeare’s England: The Sacred and the State in Measure for Measure by Debora Kuller Shuger (Palgrave) offers a defining reinterpretation of English political thought in the aftermath of the Reformation. Debora Kuller Shuger focuses not on the tension between Crown and Parliament but on the relation of the sacred to the state. The book examines Measure for Measure, for the issues at the heart of this play also shape the deep structure of English politics in the aftermath of the Reformation. More
Radical Christian Writings: A Reader by Andrew Bradstock, Christopher Rowland (Blackwell) There has long been a tradition in the Christian church which has discerned in the scriptures an imperative towards radical political action. Beginning with the Fathers and their writings on the community of goods, it can be traced through the mystics of the middle ages and radical reformers and Puritans of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, to Christian socialists, liberation theologians and social activists of more recent times. More
Peace Skills: Manual for Community Mediators by Ronald S. Kraybill, Alice Frazer Evans (Jossey-Bass) & Peace Skills: Leader’s Guide by Ronald S. Kraybill, Alice Frazer Evans (Jossey-Bass) What constitutes a leader in our world today? Is it someone who positively represents us in our community or perhaps the person we elect to characterize us as a country? A leader can be anyone from the head of our church to the president of the school our child attends. Given the conflicts we are sometimes faced with in our own communities or on a global level, we can always use more leaders to help us find solutions. Developed out of the Mennonite commitment to peaceful resolution to conflicts, Kraybill and Evans infuse years of practical community building experience into these workbooks. More
The Politics of Deviance by Anne Hendershott (Encounter Books) Until
the 1960s, sociologists had asserted that a willingness to identify
deviance, or what constitutes appropriate behavior, was indispensable to
the process of generating and sustaining cultural values, clarifying moral
boundaries, and promoting social solidarity. Yet today, after three
decades of lacerating debate, shifts in values and social relations, and
questioning social authority, the subject has virtually disappeared from
sociology's radar screen. Deviance, in the famous phrase of Daniel Patrick
Moynihan, has been "dumbed down."
In The Politics of Deviance, Anne Hendershott, a leading sociologist herself, tries to understand how this major change in the way we see our world occurred. How did we adopt such different views of human nature and personal responsibility? How did we "medicalize" what was once proscribed behavior? While in the past there was a moral consensus that conditioned our attitudes toward teenage sex, suicide, substance abuse, and other questionable behaviors, Hendershott points out that today it is pressure groups that define and redefine deviance. ("As I write these words," she says at one point in the narrative, "the advocacy of the North American Man-Boy Love Association is invisibly changing the way we see pedophilia.") As they succeed in redefining our attitudes toward their "clients," these groups significantly altered our view of each other and of our world.
Arguing against the grain of her own discipline, Anne
Hendershott asserts the value and strength of the most important of all
determinants of behavior—social norms and the commitment to accept them.
The Politics of Deviance maintains that definitions of deviance that rely
upon reason, and not emotion or political advocacy, are indispensable to the
process of generating and sustaining cultural values and reaffirming the moral
ties that bind us together.
Hendershott carefully develops the argument that deviant behavior has become acceptable at the expense of the well-being of society. Her arguments for the destructive acceptance of pedophilia, euthanasia, and homosexuality are equally supported by the statistics she sites for each subject. However there are equally good arguments to be made to counter her examples. To lump pedophilia with euthanasia and homosexuality shows such bias that I would consider fact checking this author’s statements.
The book closes with an argument for the distinction between right and wrong behavior. "In the aftermath of September 11, President George W. Bush repeatedly called the terrorist acts 'evil' and those who perpetrated them 'evildoers,'" writes Hendershott. If Bush had said this before that fateful day, she says, his statements would have been called dogmatic and unnecessarily accusatory. Now that so many innocent civilians have been murdered, few can deny that there is a battle between good and evil, and evil is the deviant of the two. It must be recognized for what it is in order to be defeated; otherwise, there would be no merit for retaliation.
Marx’s Capital by Ben Fine, Alfredo Saad Filho, 4th edition (Pluto Press) This brilliantly concise book is a classic introduction to Marx's key work, Capital. In print now for over a quarter of a century, and previously translated into many languages, the new edition has been fully revised and updated, making it an ideal modern introduction to one of the most important texts in political economy.
The new edition ... should be the definitive introduction for the next twenty years.' Professor John Weeks, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
Marx’s Capital was originally written in the early 1970s and was very much a product of its time. Then, in Britain and elsewhere, an interest in Marx's political economy was awakened after several years of intense repression under the guise of the 'cold war'. This interest grew, and was fed by the left-wing movements sweeping across the world, the evident decline of the world capitalist economy, and the rejection of traditional theory's explanations of the collapse of the post-war 'boom'. Much has changed since then, and successive editions of this book have, in their own way, reflected the shifting fortunes of political economy.
It is years since the previous edition was published, but the reason for launching this fourth edition runs deeper than the exhaustion of old stock. It anticipates, and hopefully in its own way contributes to, a revival of political economy in general and of Marxist political economy in particular. Such optimism is based on a number of factors.
First, while mainstream economics has tightened its intolerant grip on the discipline, dismissing heterodoxy as failing the tests of mathematical and statistical rigour, there are increasing signs of dissatisfaction with the orthodoxy. There is a growing search for alternatives among those studying economics and the other social sciences.
Second, following the predominance of post-modernism and neoliberalism in setting intellectual agendas across the social sciences over the past two decades, there is now a reaction against the extremes of their worst excesses in theory and practice. Critical thought has turned towards understanding the nature of contemporary capitalism, as most notably reflected in the rise of concepts such as globalisation and social capital over the past decade. Inevitably, the result is to raise the question of the economy outside of the discipline of economics itself, and to seek guidance from political economy.
Third, the long period of relative stagnation following the breakdown of the post-war boom, and the rise of post-modernism and neoliberalism, have had the paradoxical effect of allowing the capitalist economy to be perceived as engaging in business as usual even if on a sluggish basis. The eruption of financial crises over the past decade has shattered this perspective and brought to the fore the particularly prominent role being played by finance. The systemic relations between finance and industry, or the rest of the economy more generally, should occupy a prominent place in the subject matter of political economy.
Fourth, material developments have also promoted the case for political economy. These include: the growing realisation that environmental degradation, most notably through global warming, is intimately related to capitalism; the collapse of the Soviet Union but the recognition that capitalism has not furnished a progressive alternative even on its own narrow terms; and the eruption of what appear to be most conveniently described as imperial wars even if fought under the name of anti-terrorism or provision of human rights.
Last, if by no means least, the TINA (there is no alter-native) of neoliberalism has now become countered by the TINOA (there is no other alternative) of the so-called Third Way. While still a magnet for those who seek a reformist politics within the confines of capitalism, Third Wayism is already tarnished in ideology and in deed. The case for socialism needs to be made as never before, and it rests upon political economy both for its critique of capitalism and for the light it sheds on the potential for alternatives.
Each of these issues is newly addressed to a greater or lesser extent in this new edition. But the main purpose of this book remains to provide as simple and concise an exposition of Marx's political economy as the complexity of his ideas allows. Because it is constrained to be short the arguments are condensed but remain simple; nevertheless, some of the material will require careful reading, particularly the later chapters. Not surprisingly, the text has increased in size, doubling from its original length of 25,000 words, as new topics have been added, drawn both from Marx's own political economy and its contemporary relevance. Other additions include chapter-by-chapter high-lighting of controversies, issues for debate and corresponding further readings, which will offer guidance to those interested in more scholarly texts. It is with regret that this has led to the current edition losing much of the simplicity of the previous ones but, for ease of reading, footnotes and references have again been omitted. This (hopefully minor) difficulty is perhaps compounded by the occasional references to how Marx's political economy differs from orthodox economics, placing some strain on the non-economist. But, hopefully, such difficulties can be overlooked where necessary and, otherwise, offer compensating insights.
For the fourth edition, I have been joined by Alfredo Saad-Filho as co-author. This has been in order to refresh the text that remains from earlier editions and to add refreshing new text drawing on Alfredo's significant contribution to value theory. We have maintained a close intellectual relationship for many years, developing a mutual and common understanding of Marx's political economy as is reflected in this new edition of the book.
Sarge: The Life and Times of Sargent Shriver by Scott Stossel, (Smithsonian Institution Press) 40 b/w photographs. An illuminating biography of the man who has arguably touched more lives than any American since FDR.
Working for four presidents over six decades, R. Sargent "Sarge" Shriver founded the Peace Corps, launched the War on Poverty, created Head Start and Legal Services for the Poor, started the Special Olympics, and served as ambassador to France. Yet from the moment he married Joseph P. Kennedy's daughter Eunice in 1953, Shriver had to navigate a difficult course between independence and family loyalty that tended to obscure his incredible achievements. Scott Stossel, through complete access to Shriver and his family, renders the story of his life in cinematic detail. Shriver's myriad historical legacies are testaments to the power of his vision and his ability to inspire others. But it is the colorful personality and indomitable spirit of the man himself—traits that allowed him to survive the Depression, WWII, and the Kennedy family—that will inspire readers today to expand the "horizons of the possible."
R. Sargent Shriver has arguably touched more lives than any living American. He led the famed "Talent Hunt" that recruited President Kennedy's cabinet. He created and launched the Peace Corps. He spearheaded the War on Poverty. He founded Head Start, Job Corps, VISTA, Legal Services for the Poor, and—together with his wife—the Special Olympics. In addition, as ambassador to France under Presidents Johnson and Nixon, he single-handedly eased America's strained relations with Charles de Gaulle during a crucial period of the cold war. As former President Bill Clinton has said, "In my lifetime, America has never had a warrior for peace and against poverty like Sargent Shriver." Yet for all his many accomplishments, Shriver's name is surprisingly little known. Why? Because from the moment he married JFK's sister Eunice in 1953, Shriver had to steer a difficult course between independence and loyalty to the Kennedy family that tended to obscure his achievements. In Sarge, the first full-scale biography of this remarkable man, Sargent Shriver takes his deserved place at center stage during an extraordinary time in American politics.
With a finely tuned sense of the era, Atlantic Monthly senior editor Scott Stossel documents Shriver's early interest in international affairs as America grappled with a burgeoning sense of global responsibility after World War II. He tracks Shriver's evolution from a young World War II navy veteran to an employee of the towering Joseph P Kennedy, at once his boss and future father-in-law, who pressed his daughter Eunice to marry after years of courtship by Shriver. When Sarge and Eunice did marry, the professional and personal spheres of his life merged in a unique way that few could have handled. From then on, Shriver labored to navigate family politics while charting his own ambitious course.
And what a course it was. To look at the lasting legacy of the Kennedy and Johnson eras is to see Shriver's mark everywhere. Between 1961 and 1968, Shriver launched agency after agency, program after program with an energy and a cumulative impact not seen since FDR's New Deal. This book recounts the dramatic founding of the Peace Corps, which became the crown jewel of the New Frontier, and provides the first comprehensive account on record of the successes and political tribulations of Johnson's War on Poverty. Here, too, are new revelations of the aggressive behind-the-scenes jockeying for power, as Bobby Kennedy and LBJ each vied to claim JFK's mantle—a mantle that, as Stossel shows, Sargent Shriver may in some sense have been best suited to assume. This is also a story of what might have been and of what nearly was: In his riveting account of the 1968 Democratic national convention, Stossel reveals that if Kennedy family politics had not gotten in the way, Shriver (and not Edmund Muskie) might have been Hubert Humphrey's running mate—and changed the course of history by beating Richard Nixon and Spiro Agnew.
Drawing on exclusive access to Shriver family papers and on hundreds of hours of interviews over seven years with Shriver, this is the first and likely the only authorized biography we will have of a Kennedy family member of JFK's generation. Like Robert Dallek's An Unfinished Life: John F. Kennedy, Sarge raises important questions about government in our time and about whether "electability" and "effective leadership" can coexist in the same person. In this brilliant debut, Scott Stossel delivers the full measure of the man, making this life-and-times biography required reading for anyone interested in 20th-century American history.
Nasser: The Last Arab by Said K. Aburish (Thomas Dunne Books) Since the
death of Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1970 there has been no
ideology to capture the imagination of the Arab world except Islamic
fundamentalism. Any sense of completely secular Arab states ended with him and
what we see today happening in the Middle East is a direct
result of Western opposition to Nasser's strategies and ideals.
Nasser is a fascinating figure fraught with dilemmas. With the CIA continually trying to undermine him, Nasser threw his lot in with the Soviet Union, even though he was fervently anti-Communist. Nasser wanted to build up a military on par with Israel's, but didn't want either the '56 or '67 wars. This was a man who was a dictator, but also a popular leader with an ideology which appealed to most of the Arab people and bound them together. While he was alive, there was a brief chance of actual Arab unity producing common, honest, and incorruptible governments throughout the region.
More than ever, the Arab world is anti-Western and teetering on disaster, and this examination of Nasser's life is tantamount to understanding whether the interests of the West and the Arab world are reconcilable.
Nasser is a definitive and engaging portrait of a man who stood at the center of this continuing clash in the Middle East.
Mohammad Mosaddeq and the 1953 Coup in Iran by Mark J. Gasiorowski, Malcolm Byrne (Syracuse University Press) Mohammad Mosaddeq is widely regarded as the leading champion of secular democracy and resistance to foreign domination in Iran's modern history. Mosaddeq became prime minister of Iran in May 1951 and promptly nationalized its British-controlled oil industry, initiating a bitter confrontation between Iran and Britain that increasingly undermined Mosaddeq's position. He was finally overthrown in August 1953 in a coup d'état organized and led by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, along with British intelligence. This coup initiated a twenty-five-year period of growing dictatorship in Iran, leaving many Iranians resentful of the U.S.—legacies that still haunt relations between the two countries today.
Mohammad Mosaddeq and the 1953 Coup in Iran examines the turbulent political climate that prevailed in Iran during Mosaddeq's tenure, the confrontation between Iran and Britain for control over Iran's oil, the strategic considerations that led U.S. officials to intervene, and the details of the coup itself. Based on exhaustive research by leading academic experts in the field, this is the most authoritative account of the tragic events that led to the overthrow of Mosaddeq. With the recent declassification' of CIA and other documents regarding the events of 1953 in Iran, there is an opportunity for new in-depth analysis into not only the coup d'état itself but also the events that led up to it.
In a major address on U.S.-Iran relations in March 2000, timed to coincide with the traditional Persian New Year (1378/1379), U.S. secretary of state Madeleine Albright made the following statement: "In 1953, the United States played a significant role in orchestrating the overthrow of Iran's popular prime minister, Mohammad Mosaddeq. . . . The Eisenhower administration believed its actions were justified for strategic reasons, but the coup was clearly a setback for Iran's political development. And it is easy to see now why many Iranians continue to resent this intervention by America in their internal affairs.."
Albright's remarks were the first public acknowledgment by a senior American official of Washington's part in the coup. Yet, Iran's reaction was mostly negative. The secretary of the influential Expediency Council called the speech "a new chapter" in U.S.-Iran relations. But Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the country's supreme leader, ripped the admission on 1953 as "deceitful" and complained that it "did not even include an apology." 2 Both sides' comments reflected the perpetuation of deep sensitivities toward the event almost half a century later.
In fact, the "28 Mordad 1332" coup, as it is known by its Persian date, was a watershed for all of the countries concerned. The joint U.S.-British operation marked the denouement of what began as a popular drive to assert Iran's sovereign control over its own resources by nationalizing the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIDC), Britain's largest overseas concern, which had dominated Iran's petroleum industry for years. Mohammad Mosaddeq, a charismatic politician from a wealthy landowning family, had long championed national in-dependence and constitutional rule. For his opposition to the self-styled Pahlavi dynasty, whose regime, established in 1925, he considered corrupt and
unconstitutional, he spent several years in political exile, including brief periods in jail. After the 1941 ouster of Reza Shah Pahlavi, ironically at the hands of the Soviet Union and Great Britain, he was freed from prison and staged a speedy political comeback. In late April 1951, Iran's new monarch, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (Reza Shah's son), acquiesced to public pressure and appointed Mosaddeq prime minister at the head of a coalition of reform-oriented forces called the National Front. Three days later, the shah signed into law Iran's nationalization of the AIDC.
But this was just the beginning of the struggle. The AIOC immediately staged an economic boycott, with backing from the other major international oil companies, while the British government started an aggressive, semicovert campaign to destabilize the Mosaddeq regime. With the expansion of the cold war, the United States also stepped into the dispute. Although ostensibly neutral, the Truman administration quietly abided by the boycott. As U.S. worries over Iran's political and economic deterioration increased, patience with Mosaddeq wore thin. When President Dwight D. Eisenhower took office in
January 1953, the United States launched a more aggressive assault against world communism, and within two months the new administration had approved the concept of a joint U.S.-British operation to remove Mosaddeq from office. The coup, code-named TPAJAX, finally got underway in mid-August 1953. After a disastrous beginning, followed by several days of mass confusion, the coup plotters managed to turn their fortunes around. By noon on August 19 pro-shah crowds had control of the streets, and retired army major general Fazlollah Zahedi, handpicked to replace Mosaddeq by the coup plotters, had declared himself the new prime minister.
The effects of the coup resonated on many levels. Domestically, it brought to an end a vibrant chapter in the history of Iran's nationalist and democratic movements. For all of the troubles that arose during his premiership, Mosaddeq came to symbolize for many the principle of opposition to Great Power intrusions on Iranian independence. Despite his uncompromising drive to expand his powers during his final months in office, he was also admired by certain sectors for continuing the tradition of the Constitutional Revolution and for advocating the political rights of Iranian citizens against the authority of the shah. His removal signaled the beginning of the end of the country's brief experience with democracy. In the years following the coup, the shah reasserted his position with respect to the Majlis and the government and cracked down on dissidents, and over the course of the next decade he steadily expanded his authority to the point of establishing a virtual dictatorship. One of the consequences of the shah's accretion of power was the elimination of any opportunity for the development of even a moderate political opposition inside Iran. With no outlet for dissent, animosities grew, and radicalism built to the point of explosion during the 1978 revolution.
Aside from influencing the direction of Iran's internal politics, the coup and its aftermath affected U.S. policies and standing in Iran as well. The United States replaced Britain as the predominant outside power shaping events inside Iran. But this was a two-edged sword. Because of its role in the coup, many Iranians came to identify Washington as the shah's all-powerful patron, and it was assumed that Washington implicitly supported his repressive actions, regardless of U.S. attempts in subsequent years to curb the regime's excesses. This virtu-ally guaranteed that burgeoning hostility toward the shah would also be directed against the United States when the revolutionary Islamic regime came to power in 1979.
Similarly, Washington's role in the coup tarnished America's reputation with other moderate forces in the Middle East. For example, Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser, who once had been willing to discuss common security goals with John Foster Dulles, undoubtedly drew the clear lesson from Iran's experience that he could not act passively over the Suez issue in the face of Anglo-U.S. imperialism. The hopes of the Truman administration and even President Eisenhower that the United States would be seen as the defender of regional aspirations for independence began to seem especially hollow after August 1953. Such hopes were genuinely held, but ultimately they paled next to perceived threats to U.S. security. American officials at first rejoiced over the coup's success—albeit behind closed doors—seeing it as a vindication of the concept of covert intervention. With a remarkably modest investment, the United States had kept a vital cold war asset from falling into the communist camp. Surely the same tactic would work elsewhere. Without full regard for Iran's unique circumstances in 1953, U.S. planners treated TPAJAX as a model for future clandestine operations, including operations in Guatemala in 1954, in Syria in 1958, and at the Bay of Pigs in 1961. The coup's legacy thus reached far beyond the borders of Iran and lasted as long as—even longer than—the cold war itself.
Mohammad Mosaddeq and the 1953 Coup in Iran presents a series of essays on the Mosaddeq regime and the coup by leading experts who prepared them originally for an extraordinary conference that took place in Tehran in June 2000. Hosted by the Institute of Political and International Studies, a research arm of the Iranian Foreign Ministry, the conference brought together scholars from Iran, the United States, and the former Soviet Union (participation by the visiting foreign scholars was supported by the George Washington University-based National Security Archive) to discuss the controversial oil nationalization period of 1951—53, including the coup d'état. Because of the historical sensitivity of the Mosaddeq era in Iran, the conference took on special significance as the first-ever multi-national airing of the subject in an Iranian public setting. As one indication of its favorable reception, government-run television broadcast major portions of the conference repeatedly to nationwide audiences throughout the remainder of the year.
The contributors later had the opportunity to refine and present their most recent findings at another conference in June 2002 hosted by the Middle East Centre at St. Antony's College, Oxford, and cosponsored by the National Security Archive. That event, "Mohammad Mosaddeq and the 1953 Coup in Iran," also featured a roundtable discussion with former Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) official John Waller, who coordinated U.S. participation in the coup from Washington; Sir Sam Falle of the British Foreign Office, who played a part in elaborating British plans to overthrow Mosaddeq; and Sir Denis Wright, also of the Foreign Office, who served as counsellor in Iran shortly after the coup.
Although all of the authors have written previously about their topics, this volume contains a wealth of new information that adds meaningfully to our understanding of the coup and its complex sociopolitical setting. The most important new source is a recently published CIA history of TPAJAX, written in March 1954 by Donald N. Wilber, one of the operation's chief architects. The New York Times published the still-classified 200-page document, Overthrow of Premier Mosaddeq of Iran: November 1952—August 1953, in two installments on its Web site in 2000. That publication helped break a logjam on secrets that the CIA, along with British intelligence, have maintained for many years. In 1989, the agency refused to allow key documents describing U.S. participation in the overthrow to appear in the State Department's Foreign Relations of the United States: Diplomatic Papers series, billed as "the official record of the foreign policy of the United States." 6 A decade later, nothing had changed. The CIA rebuffed a 1999 National Security Archive lawsuit seeking the Wilber document and another internal agency history, declassifying only a single sentence, on the grounds that further "disclosure could reasonably be expected to damage the national security" or "lead to unauthorized disclosure of intelligence sources and methods."' The U.S. and British intelligence communities, by steadfastly refusing to declassify important, but-no longer sensitive; historical information on the coup have consequently made it much more difficult to come to closure historically—and arguably politically—on the overthrow. Fortunately for history, and with no discernible harm to America's security, perhaps the most significant missing piece of the puzzle has now become available, and each chapter in this volume makes rich use of its many new details.
But it should also be noted that the authors go significantly beyond the CIA history to include other newly uncovered American and British records, Iranian sources, and even Soviet-era archival materials from Russian and Azerbaijani archives. In addition, the contributors conducted interviews with former U.S. and British intelligence officials and Iranians who participated in the events studied here. Drawing on these fresh sources, the book features chapters that discuss the historical context of the Mosaddeq regime, focus on the political and social background to the coup, and evaluate the numerous underlying factors as well as domestic and foreign actors that contributed to Mosaddeq's downfall.
The Economic Consequences of the Peace by John Maynard Keynes (Dover) unabridged republication of the edition published by Macmillan and Co., London, 1920.
A sever economic critique of the 1920 Treaty of Versailles written by the famous economist, who was a member of the British peace delegation until he quit with disgust. "The most important economic document relating to World War I and its aftermath." —John Kenneth Galbraith
In 1919, John Maynard Keynes participated in the negotiations of World War I's armistice at the Versailles Peace Conference. A senior Treasury official with the British delegation, Keynes strongly disagreed with terms of reparation imposed on Germany, arguing that German impoverishment would threaten all of Europe. Indeed, the imposition of an economic burden that Germany could not pay led to the dismantling of the European market, famine, social unrest, and, ultimately, to World War II.
The Economic Consequences of the Peace became an instant best-seller upon its initial publication, its controversial issues transforming Keynes into an overnight celebrity. Its real impact occurred several years later, when the wisdom of Keynes' reasoning was recognized at the close of World War II. The United States and Great Britain followed his advice and undertook an ambitious rebuilding program that paved the way for a solid democratic base in Germany, Italy, and Japan.
In addition to its excellent economic analysis of reparations, this volume presents an insightful analysis of the Versailles conference's Council of Four (Georges Clemenceau of France, Prime Minister Lloyd George of Britain, President Woodrow Wilson of the United States, and Vittorio Orlando of Italy). A prophetic view of the European marketplace in the early twentieth century by a brilliant economist, this volume represents a much-studied landmark of economic theory.
Racial and Ethnic Relations in America 7th Edition by S. Dale McLemore (Allyn & Bacon) This book focuses on the five largest ethnic groups in the U.S. - Mexican Americans, African Americans, Native Americans, Japanese Americans, and Puerto Ricans. McLemore et al present historical information and contemporary examples of the largest ethnic and minority groups in the United States. Using the assimilation model, they analyze the strengths and weaknesses of this model in explaining how various racial and ethnic groups have been incorporated (or not) into U.S. society. Focusing on interracial and interethnic relations in the U.S., the authors give a sociological analysis of intergroup processes and the history of the interactions of these groups. Organized thematically rather than chronologically, the book illuminates the main racial and ethnic dilemmas faced in America as shown through the examples of these five groups. For anyone interested in Racial and Ethnic Relations, Minority Relations, Multicultural Education, or Ethnic Studies.
This text uses a multidisciplinary approach, drawing on sociology, history, psychology, and other social sciences to focus on the factors that contribute to the merger or separation of different racial and ethnic groups in the U.S.
The authors present historical information and contemporary examples of the largest ethnic and minority groups in the United States. They analyze the strengths and weaknesses of the assimilation model in explaining how various racial and ethnic groups have been incorporated (or not) into U.S. society. Focusing on interracial and interethnic relations in the U.S., McLemore and Romo give a sociological analysis of intergroup processes and the history of the interactions of racial and ethnic groups. Organized thematically rather than chronologically, the text illuminates the main racial and ethnic dilemmas faced in America.
New to this Edition
Ethnic tensions are prevalent throughout the world and, in many cases, are accompanied by open conflicts, including wars. Tensions and conflicts between Arabs and Jews, Russians and Chechens, and various ethnic groups in the Balkans and Africa remind us that many countries throughout the world are characterized by racial and ethnic diversity. We are reminded, too, that, although the specific history of ethnic groups in the United States is unique, some aspects of the fascinating and important problems we will study are common to humankind.
Excerpt: This volume continues the basic strategy of discussion and analysis that was used in the previous editions. It focuses on interracial and interethnic relations in the United States and rests on ideas derived from (1) the sociological analysis of intergroup processes and (2) the history of the interactions of American racial and ethnic groups. We take this approach because the study of social processes—such as competition, conflict, segregation, stratification, accommodation, fusion, and separation—is inherently temporal. We believe that an understanding of the interactions of different racial and ethnic groups is most effectively grasped through an examination of the history of their relations with one another.
Our processual-historical approach moves, broadly speaking, from the beginnings of contact among different groups in North America to the pressing racial and ethnic problems of the contemporary United States; but as we discuss various groups and issues, we must focus on more limited spans of American history. Along the way we consider a wide range of sociological issues such as racial and ethnic differences, various processes through which one group may be included within another, the reactions of natives to foreigners, various aspects of racism, racial and ethnic prejudice and discrimination, class and ethnic stratification, vertical mobility, stereotyping, social distance, authoritarianism, the effect of social pressures on behavior, segregation, desegregation, variations in economic adaptations to discrimination, and the processes through which ethnic groups form, organize, and disappear. Each of these topics, as well as a number of others, is introduced to advance the central ideas of the book.
We have maintained assimilation theory as the basis for our discussion of the experiences of different groups, but our analysis of new variations of assimilation theory has been given greater emphasis than previously, allowing us to illustrate more fully the complexity of the incorporation process. Following brief discussions in Chapters 1 and 2 of some fundamental ideas and theories, we present examples in Chapters 3 through 5 of the experiences of several groups of White immigrants who were mainly voluntary
entrants into the country and arrived before the twentieth century. These discussions also contain some preliminary analysis concerning two groups who entered the country involuntarily—Africans and Native Americans. The consequences for the members of an ethnic group of being brought into the country involuntarily are then explored in Chapters 6 through 10. These chapters are devoted to African, Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Native Americans.
Chapters 11 through 13 explore the experiences of seven racially distinctive groups that entered the United States more or less voluntarily or were refugees. These chapters focus on the experiences of Japanese, Chinese, Korean, Filipino, Asian Indian, Vietnamese, and Arab Americans. The final chapter closes the presentation with some conjectures about the future of racial and ethnic relations in the United States that are suggested by our analysis and, also, looks briefly at the experiences of several other nations in dealing with racial and ethnic issues.
The main differences between the seventh edition and the sixth edition are as follows:
The choice of groups to be discussed is not intended to slight the members of the many other groups that might have been studied and have contributed in many different ways to the development of the United States. We have not intended to present a complete profile of any given group. The choices were dictated chiefly by our desire to high-light the main racial and ethnic dilemmas faced by the United States as seen through the lenses of a given set of Key Ideas. For this reason, you may find it is helpful to read the Key Ideas and Key Terms pertaining to a given chapter both before and after reading the chapter itself. This procedure may help you to distinguish between the central points of the discussions and the many details that are useful in understanding those points.
All chapters conclude with “Discussion Questions,” “Key Ideas,” “Key Terms,” and
1. Natives and Newcomers. An Overview of Assimilation in America. Development of Assimilation Theory. Race and Ethnicity
2. Together or Apart? Some Competing Views. Subprocesses of Assimilation. Gordon's Theory of Assimilation Subprocesses. Three Ideologies of Assimilation. An Antiassimilationist View: Blauner’s Theory of Internal Colonialism Two Antiassimilationist Ideologies: Separatism and Secessionism. Using the Models of Assimilation as Descriptions.
3. The Rise of Anglo American Society. The English Legacy. Indian-English Relations. Servants and Slaves. The Colonial Irish. The Colonial Germans. The Revolutionary Period.
4. The Golden Door. The First Great Immigrant Stream. Changing Patterns of Immigration. The Second Great Immigrant Stream. The Third Great Immigrant Stream.
5. Nativism and Racism. Nativism. Scientific Racism. Immigration Restriction. Contemporary Racism.
6. African Americans: From Slavery to Segregation. The Period of Slavery.
Immigrant or Colonized Minority? Emancipation and Reconstruction. The Restoration of White Supremacy. Migration and Urbanization. The Civil Rights Movement.
7. African Americans: Protest and Social Change. The Rise of Direct Action. Renewed Visibility of Black-White Conflict. African American Assimilation. African American “Success.”
8. Mexican Americans: From Colonized Minority to Political Activists.
The Colonial Experience. The Immigrant Model. Mexican Immigration and Native Reaction.
9. Puerto Ricans and Mexican Americans: Identity and Incorporation.
Identification and Diversity. The Colonization of Puerto Rico. Cultural Assimilation: English and Spanish. Mexican American and Puerto Rican Success.
10. Native Americans: The First Americans. The English Penetration of the Continent.
Indian Removal. Plains Wars and Reservations. From Separatism to Anglo Conformity.
Cycling between Anglo Conformity and Cultural Pluralism. Pan-Indian Responses and Initiatives. Immigrant or Colonized Minority? Native American Assimilation American Indian “Success”
11. The Japanese Experience Japanese Immigration and Native Reactions. The Japanese Family and Community in America. War, Evacuation, and Relocation.
Japanese American Assimilation. Japanese American “Success.” The Model Minority Stereotype
12. Chinese, Asian Indian, Korean, Vietnamese, Filipino, and Middle Eastern Arab Americans Chinese Americans Korean Americans Filipino Americans Asian Indian Americans
13. Vietnamese Americans, Arab Americans, and Resurgent Racism Refugees: An International Issue Vietnamese Americans.. Arab Americans
Resurgent Racism 14. The Future of Ethnicity. Further Reflections on Assimilation and Ethnicity. Consequences of Colonization and Immigration: An Alternative View. Some Implications of the Alternative View. Some Tentative Conclusions about Racial and Ethnic Relations in the United States. The Future of Ethnicity in the United States.
Across National Boundaries.
Selected Federal Immigration Laws; Reducing Prejudice and Discrimination References. Name Index. Subject Index.
The Race Myth: Why We Pretend Race Exists in America
by Joseph Graves
(Dutton Books) A leading scientist
proves once and for all that race does not exist and provides solutions to end
While the public debate over the existence of race, racism, and affirmative action continues to rage, preeminent evolutionary biologist Joseph Graves will forever change how we think about race. According to his provocative argument, science cannot account for the racial categories used to classify people. He goes a step further to describe racism as an unintended consequence of evolution and offers creative, innovative ways to bring true equality to America.
The Race Myth debunks the ancient fallacies still held as fact and perpetuated in everything from damaging medical profiling to misconceptions about sports. Through accessible and compelling language, Graves reveals the impossibility that any group of humans now in existence has a separate genetic line of descent. The Race Myth also explains why defining a race according to skin tones or eye shape is woefully inaccurate and why applying these false categories to assumptions about IQ, behavior, or predisposition to disease has devastating effects.
Demonstrating that racial distinctions are social inventions, not biological truths, The Race Myth brings much-needed, sound science to one of America’s most emotionally charged debates.
Der Schutz literarischer Urheberschaft im Rom der klassischen Antike by Katharina Schickert (Mohr Siebeck) Ancient Rome had no copyright law to protect literary works. Katharina Schickert does however show that these works were not completely unprotected. The ancient Romans created a system of social conventions which were so effective in protecting works from plagiarism and corruption that no law was required to supplement them. Since they believed that an author received his inspiration from the gods, they also thought that it was the author's right to decide upon how his work was to be presented to the public. After the presentation, the work was in the public domain and from this point on the readers and writers of that time did not oppose independent reproductions of literary works. Since making money was considered to be an unworthy goal for an author, these reproductions served the author's true purpose, which was to achieve immortality in the memory of his nation and of future nations.
School Board Battles: The Christian Right in Local Politics by Melissa M. Deckman (Georgetown University Press) In the "culture wars" taking place in the United States, one of the most interesting, if under-the-radar, battlegrounds is in local school board elections. Rarely does the pitch of this battle reach national attention as it did in Kansas when the state school board—led by several outspoken conservative Christians—voted to delete evolution from the state's science curriculum and its standardized tests in August 1999.
School Board Battles studies the motivation, strategies, and electoral success of Christian Right school board candidates, and gives a surprisingly complex picture of these candidates. She examines important questions: Why do conservative Christians run for school boards? How much influence has the Christian Right actually had on school boards? How do conservative Christians govern? School Board Battles is an in-depth and in-the-trenches look at an important skirmish in the culture wars—one that may well have a lasting impact on our nation's youth.
Landmark Supreme Court Cases: The Most Influential Decisions of the Supreme Court edited by Roy Mersky, Gary R. Hartman, Cindy Tate Slavinski (Facts on File) Through its interpretations of the Constitution and Bill of Rights, the Supreme Court issues decisions that shape American law, define the functioning of government and society, and address the most important issues of the day. Justices are nominated by the president, are confirmed by Congress, and receive lifetime appointments to their seats. No court in the country can overturn Supreme Court rulings. Famous cases such as Roe v. Wade, Plessy v. Ferguson, Dred Scott v. John F. A. Sandford, and Miranda v. Arizona are among the most important heard by the Court, but many others have also profoundly impacted American life.
For students of American history and political science, Landmark Supreme Court Cases provides current, concise, and thorough summaries of more than 350 of the most important and influential U.S. Supreme Court cases. Ideal as a quick reference or starting point for further research, the book covers cases on such issues as freedom of speech, freedom of the press, civil rights, labor unions, abortion, antitrust and competition, due process, search and seizure, executive privilege, and more. Organized alphabetically by court case, each entry includes the case title and legal citation, year of decision, key issue, historical background, legal arguments, decision (majority and dissenting opinions), aftermath and significance, related cases, and recommended reading. Other features include a chronology of cases, an index of cases by parties and by popular titles, a subject index, a glossary of legal terms, and guidance on how to read a legal citation.
We review some trade books in popular sciences and humanities.
We concentrate on religious studies and philosophy
We focus on academic and scientific technical titles.
We specialize in most fields of the humanities, sciences and technology.
This includes many textbooks
Some scholarly monographs
Some special issue periodicals