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Review Essays of Academic, Professional & Technical Books in the Humanities & Sciences
Islam & Christianity
Martin Luther and Islam: A Study in Sixteenth-Century Polemics and
Apologetics by Adam S. Francisco (The History of
Christian-Muslim Relations: Brill) The Ottoman assault upon
Vienna in 1529 sent shockwaves throughout Germany. Although the
Habsburg army had successfully thwarted the attack, according to
eyewitness accounts some 30,000 people in surrounding towns and
villages had either been killed or taken back to Istanbul for sale
in the slave market.' What was perhaps more unsettling, at least to
those who were perceptive of the ideological motivation behind the
siege, was the determination of Sultan Suleyman (15201566) and his
Muslim Turkish army to 'conquer the infidel lands for Islam.'2 In
response to the threat, and after reading what he considered the
best description of Ottoman religion and culture Georgius de
Hungaria's Tractatus de moribus, condictionibus et nequicia Turcorum
(1481) Martin Luther (1483-1546) wrote, 'Since we now have the Turk
and his religion at our very doorstep our people must be warned
lest, either moved by the splendour of the Turkish religion and the
external appearances of their customs or displeased by the meagre
display of our own faith or the deformity of our customs, they deny
their Christ and follow Muhammad. Assessing the nature of Ottoman
religion and culture, and the threat that it posed to Christians
even further, he continued:
We see that the religion of the Turks or Muhammad is far
more splendid in ceremonies and, one might almost say, in
customs—than ours, even including that of the religious or all the
clerics. The modesty and the simplicity of their food, clothing,
dwellings, and everything else, as well as the fasts, prayers, and
common gatherings of the people [at mosque] that this book reveals
are nowhere seen among us .... [W]hich of our monks, be it a
Carthusian (they who wish to appear the best) or a Benedictine, is
not put to shame by the miraculous and wonderous abstinence and
discipline among their religious? Our religious are mere shadows
when compared to them, and our people clearly profane compared to
theirs. Not even true Christians, nor Christ himself, not the
apostles or prophets ever exhibited so great a display [of
religiosity]. This is the reason why many persons so easily depart
from faith in Christ for Muhammadanism and adhere to it so
tenaciously. I sincerely believe that no papist, monk, cleric or
their equal in faith would be able to remain in their faith if they
should spend three days among the Turks.
In fact, he impulsively added, 'if it should come to the
point of arguing about religion, the whole papistry with all of its
trappings would fall. Nor would they be able to defend their own
faith and at the same time refute the faith of Muhammad." In light
of this startling evaluation, Luther thought it was vital to
address the religion of the Turks, for, as Richard Southern wrote
years ago, 'he looked forward to the probability that Christendom
would be engulfed in Islam.'
As is the case with nearly every other aspect of the
Reformer's thought, there are quite a few scholarly surveys dealing
with the theme of Luther, the Turks, and Islam,' but few have
examined, specifically, his criticism of Muslim beliefs and
arguments in favour of the Christian religion. Even those that have
attempted to do so suggest he was not really concerned with the
ideology of Islam, and thus failed to engage it theologically. For
example, in his influential essay, Martin Luther and der Islam,
Ludwig Hagemann argues that Luther 'was not concerned with Islam as
a religious factor.' Instead, his 'argument with Islam was
essentially determined by two factors:
1. It was shaped by the contemporary military threat of
Europe by the Muslim Ottomans. 2. It rested completely upon his own
existential dispute with Rome.' Both of these ‘obstructed his view’
of Islam as a 'faith with its own roots and originality', he
contends, and, rather than his knowledge and perceptions of the
problems of Islamic doctrines, best explains his 'massive critique'
of the Turks and their religion.' More recently, in his unpublished
2003 dissertation, 'Martin Luther's Response to the Turkish
Threat', David Choi argues that, while Luther was informed of Muslim
beliefs, his argumentation with Islam was only a matter of
coincidence. Accordingly, he wrote, Luther 'was interested in the
Turks primarily as a pastor and only secondarily as a theologian and
incidentally as a scholar and polemicist.' Thus, he concludes that
Luther was not really concerned with critiquing the Qur'an,
attacking the prophethood of Muhammad, criticising and refuting
Muslim beliefs, or arguing for the superiority of Christianity.
Rather, he was primarily interested in encouraging Christians to
'repent, love the gospel, and be obedient to their authorities' as a
way of dealing with the threat of the Ottoman Turks.
This study attempts to demonstrate that Luther's approach
towards Islam was much more theological and apologetic than is
generally acknowledged. As such, his thoughts and writings on the
Turks and their religion deserve more attention in the history of
Christian perceptions of and responses to Islam, for, in his unique
attacks on Islam as well as his assimilation of apologetic material
from previous centuries, he put forward his own subtly-nuanced
approach towards the Muslim world."
This is confirmed, first, by exploring the historical
background of Christian views and approaches to the Muslim world
during the medieval period up until the first half of the sixteenth
century in order to obtain a general view of previous approaches. It
will also help establish the broader historical context which
provided the impetus for Luther's engagement with Islam. The
dimensions of Luther's thought concerning the threat that the
Ottomans posed to Europe will then be focused in on and surveyed to
provide a comprehensive picture of his ideas regarding how Germany
and its Christians should respond to the threat. Included in this
aspect of Luther's mental world was a growing anticipation of
contact between Christians and Muslims. This immediately gave rise
to his conviction that the adverse ideology of Islam had to be
countered. Thus, before turning to an examination of his various
attempts to 'defend' the Christian faith and 'refute the faith of
Muhammad', his study and perceptions of the beliefs and practices of
Ottoman Muslim society are examined. While Luther was no Islamicist,
he did obtain, considering the circumstances and historical context,
a fairly decent knowledge of Islam, and drawing upon his knowledge
he set out in 1529 to inform his readers about the religion of the
Turks. In two successive periods he attempted to expose the inherent
problems with Muslim beliefs as well as to provide arguments
against their religious practices and doctrines and defences of the
superiority and legitimacy of the Christian faith. All in all, while
borrowing and adapting many arguments and criticisms from medieval
authors, Luther provided a somewhat fresh approach to Islam, ranging
from formal theological argumentation to practical advice for
Christians living amidst Muslims.
This study should prove beneficial for at least three
reasons. To begin with, it contributes to Luther scholarship in
general, especially his place in the history of Christian
apologetics, for neither of the two most popular and accessible
historical surveys, Avery Dulles' History of Apologetics and Otto
Zöckler's Geschichte der Apologie even mention his engagement with
Islam and the Qur'an. It also should provide a perspective into
Luther's thought on a non-Christian religion other than his
notorious dealings with Judaism. And thirdly, it may prove to be
helpful for understanding the intellectual turmoil that was
established in this key period of Christian-Muslim relations, which,
in turn, provides the backdrop for many of the tensions that remain
in the modern era.
The impetus behind Martin Luther's interest in Islam and
Ottoman culture was apologetical. The farther the Turks pushed into
Hungary towards Germany the more he sensed a need to prepare
Christians for contact with Muslims. Thus, he began from the
earliest of his tracts on the Turkish war until one of his final
sermons to instruct Christians in what to think about and how to
approach Islam.
Vom kriege widder die Türcken analysed what Luther thought
was basic Muslim ideology in relation to the three fundamental
spheres of human existence the three estates. He argued that, by
rejecting the final revelatory and redemptive act of God in the
person and work of Christ, Islam destroyed the prospect for true
religious life, for Muhammad severed the relationship human beings
had with God through the gospel of Christ by imposing upon them a
new legal religion. Islam also ruined the political estate by
propelling nations under its sway against other nations in order to
bring them within the domain of Mahomets reich. And finally, just as
it disrupted peaceful relations between different nations, it also
severely disfigured the most natural and basic unit of human
relationships marriage by permitting divorce in accordance with the
whims of men. The consequence of all this, as Luther saw it, was the
supplanting of the divine order in creation for false religion,
chaotic foreign relations, and the ruination of true marriage. All
this was indicative of the work of the Devil, for he too sought to
obliterate the work of God in creation. Luther therefore concluded
that the Turks and their religion, politico-imperial policy, and
domestic ethics were really masks behind which the Devil was
attempting to destroy humankind.
Vom kriege's critical evaluation of Islam was more than a
critique, though, for it also served to inform Christians of the
malignant nature of the Turkish Islamic threat. Consequently, it was
also meant to convince the hearts and minds of its readers of this
fact so that they too, like Luther, would by no means be indifferent
to it, for civilization built in part upon the foundation of
Christianity was at stake.
Where western civilization was at its greatest peril during
Luther's lifetime was at the siege on Vienna. News of the damage and
lives lost during the battle coupled with reports of conversions to
Islam amongst Christian slaves of the Turks compelled Luther, in his
Eine Heerpredigt widder den Türcken, to begin offering specific
advice for Christian prisoners of war living in the domain of
Islam. The counsel that he gave sought to provide his readers with
answers to questions raised and doubts caused by the alluring
phenomena of Islam, which he thought were inevitable while living
amongst the Turks. In short, Luther's counsel was informed by his
teaching on the proper conception of how humans could stand before
God (coram Deo), even in the midst of a Mahometisch reich, assured
of their salvation. Only the crucified Christ and the righteousness
one attained through faith in him, he argued, could provide such a
firm foundation against the Anfechtung caused by Islam. Luther also
provided instruction on how Christians should behave in a Muslim
society. His advice was informed by his understanding of the
necessity of the Christian pursuit of civil righteousness in and
before the eyes of the world (coram mundo). Luther argued that
Christians especially were duty bound to serve their authorities
irrespective of their religion and nationality This, however,
should never be construed as an obligation for one's salvation for
that was already accomplished through Christ—but rather the basic
responsibility of humans living in the secular realm.
Luther's advice in Eine Heerpredigt was, interestingly, not
so much polemical. Instead, it was existential and apologetical. He
offered it in order to provide Christians with the means to justify,
at least in their own minds, the unique and superior claims of
Christianity as well as to encourage them in their Christian life
even though they were now meant to exist in a Muslim society.
After the shock of the siege on Vienna wore off, the threat
of Christian captivity at the hands of the Turks subsided for nearly
a decade. The pressures of Ottoman imperialism were felt again,
however, in the early 1540s when Hungary was annexed and
incorporated into the domain of Islam. Luther was nevertheless ready
to respond once more. Only this time, having recently read a Latin
translation of the Qur'an, he considered himself qualified to engage
Islam much more polemically than he had previously done. He did so
by embracing the methodology and tactics of Riccoldo da Monte di
Croce's Confutatio Alcorani, translating the old polemical
apologetic into German. Following Riccoldo he attacked the Qur'an as
a legitimate source of revelation and religious authority.
Confident that he had exposed it to be a product of Muhammad's
fraudulent Satan-inspired ministry, he then, interestingly, began to
explicate Christian doctrines such as the Trinity and deity of
Christ from it. He even suggested that the passages he thought were
open to a Christian interpretation were implanted by the Holy
Spirit.
Luther's intentions behind the Verlegung des Alcoran were
twofold. First, by attacking the legitimacy of the Qur'an he thought
that he had exposed its errors, and thus it would prove beneficial
to its readers by strengthening their resolve against the Muslim
religion. Second, he thought his attack and especially his
demonstration of key Christian doctrines and exhortations to
consider the claims of the Christian Scriptures concerning Christ
could be used by Christians to approach Muslims should the
opportunity present itself.
For Luther, the apologetic enterprise always served
practical ends. Thus, he urged learned Christians to familiarise
themselves with the Qur'an so that they too could contribute to the
task of 'refuting the faith of Muhammad' and 'defending the
Christian faith.' His letter to the Council of Basel in support of
the publication of the Qur'an as well as the preface that he
contributed to the project contained strong appeals in behalf of
this endeavour. Luther himself made one more contribution to the
cause in a sermon less than a month before he died. First, he argued
for the superiority of Christianity on the basis of the revelation
given not just in word that is, in Scripture but also in the person
of Jesus Christ. While Islam too claimed to have the word of God in
the Qur'an, Luther argued that it was wholly deficient, for although
Muslims claimed that it was a revelatory word it lacked any
substantive information concerning God's nature and disposition
towards humanity The Bible interpreted through the even more
distinct and full disclosure of God in His Son Christ was,
according to Luther, by far superior to the alleged revelation given
to Muhammad. It provided further details concerning the nature of
God and, most importantly, his disposition towards humankind.
Second, against the Qur'an's call for a return to the universal and
ancient faith of Islam-- the religion of Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses,
David, Christ, and all the other prophets he argued that
Christianity and not Islam was really the religion of the prophets.
Tracing the doctrine of original sin and the promise of Christ as
the redeemer of humankind all the way back to Adam and Eve, he
'proved' (beweisen) to his German Christian audience that
(evangelical) Christianity, that is, mere faith in Christ for
redemption from sin, was in fact the historic revealed religion.
In addition to the particular theological undercurrents of
his apologetics, Luther's multi-faceted approach to Islam was
unique in many respects. While he could be just as vituperative and
polemical as Riccoldo da Monte di Croce and, to some extent,
Nicholas of Cusa, he never went so far as Alfonso de Espina and even
Dionysius the Carthusian in using polemics as propaganda for a
crusade (for the crusade was anathema to Luther). But whereas the
medieval writers were focused on refuting Islam in order to bring
about the conversion of Muslims, Luther's intentions were primarily
directed at strengthening the faith of Christians, for he feared
their propensity towards infidelity as much as if not more than he
feared the Muslim infidel. He wanted to ensure, first, that
Christians were convinced of the malignancy of the Turkish-Islamic
threat. Secondly, for those upset by various forms of temptation and
doubt caused by the monolithic appearances of the Ottomans and their
religion he sought to convince them of the superiority of Christ
over Muhammad and Christianity over Islam. Only after Christians
were assured of this did he envision his arguments being directed at
Turkish Muslims. And even then he was convinced that a silent
witness to the gospel through righteous behaviour was more effective
than polemical argumentation, particularly in a Muslim context.
Luther's assessment of the nature of the Ottoman Empire and
perceptions of Islam were similar to the medieval apocalyptic
perceptions displayed in the biblical prognostications of Joachim of
Fiore, Johann Hilten, and others, but even though he thought that
the Turks were completely repugnant servants of the Devil he still,
like Georgius de Hungaria, sought to accurately relate information
on Muslim religion and culture. Quite unlike Georgius and probably
the overwhelming majority of medieval and early modern thinkers,
however, Luther was convinced that, because of his two-kingdom
doctrine, Christians could and should, if God led them to, live
alongside Muslims in the domain of the Ottomans. Not only were they
to live with them, according to Luther. They were also obliged to
submit to the Muslim authorities and to work diligently for them,
for even they, so long as they did not infringe upon the rights of
the conscience, held a divinely appointed position of authority.
Luther's ruminations over the plight of Christians enslaved
in Turkey or other Muslim territories led him to an even more unique
opinion on Christian missions. Whereas Christian apologists from
Riccoldo to Raymond Llull to Theodor Bibliander thought that
missionaries should be sent from the outside into the Muslim world
(with Llull, Alfonso, and Dionysius convinced that the crusade could
help facilitate the endeavour), Luther thought that missionary work
amongst Muslims should take place from within, through Christians
living amongst Muslim populations.
Luther's various engagements with Islam demonstrate that
his approach was primarily theological rather than philosophical and
rationalistic like Llull and the Reformer's contemporary Guillame
Postel. His three-estate analysis and existential apologetic drawn
from the principles of his doctrine of the two kingdoms and
teaching on the two kinds of righteousness were distinctively
'Lutheran.' Even though he ventured away from his own somewhat
idiosyncratic approach when he assimilated the methodology of the
Dominican scholastic apologetic tradition he still, particularly
with his additions and amendments to the text, gave it a (German)
Lutheran flavour. His final approach, the apology for the historical
veracity and continuity of the Christian church from the earliest
revelation of God to humankind, while not entirely new (for the
second century Christian apologists used the same approach as they
argued against the Jews) was still uniquely adopted by Luther for
the context of debate with Islam.
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